رسالة مفتوحة لفريق مسار إجباري

حين كتبتُ رسالة الحبِّ الأولى، لم أجدْ أبلغَ من أغنية “مرسال لحبيبتي” كي أستهلَّ بها اعترافي المتعثّر، وحين أخبرني صديقي في مخيم اليرموك أنّ الطيران الحربي يمطرُ حارته بالقذائف، جمّد الخدر أصابعي وتراكمت الدُّموع على زجاج عينيَّ. لم يكنْ بوسعي سوى أن أكتب له: “اشبعوا ساعة الوداع واحضنوا الحاجة بضمير / ده اللي فاضل مش كتير”.

هاتان الأغنيتان من بين أغانٍ كثيرةٍ رافقت حبَّنا ومخاوفنا، وسعاداتنا العابرة ومعاركنا الخاسرة وانكساراتنا وانتصاراتنا، ولأنّ موسيقاكم احتضنت أملنا وعجزنا، وحملت قلوبنا إلى شوارع مصر، دون الحاجة لجواز سفرٍ أو تصريحٍ أو تأشيرة، ولأنّنا لا نريد لنشاز التّطبيع أو التّصفيق المفلس وصخب النُّخب أن يشوّه هذه الموسيقا وأن يصادر ذكرياتِنا المرتبطةَ بها، نطلب منكم إلغاء أمسيتكم المقرّرة في مدينة رام الله المحتلة، ونرجوكم أن لا تساهموا في تحويل الاحتلال إلى مهرجان، يروّج لأسطورة استقلال واستقرار الضفّة الغربية، ويسوّق دعاية السِّيادة المزعومة للسلطة الفلسطينيّة عليها.

لو كنّا نعيش في ظروفٍ “طبيعيّة” لكانت هذه الأمسية فرصةً ننتظرها بفارغ الصَّبر، فرصةً قد لا تتسنّى لنا مجدداً، فمصر عصيّة على الكثير منا، ولكنّنا لا نعيش في ظروف طبيعيّة، ورام الله لم تتحرّر من سطوة الاحتلال المطلقة، وتحكّمه بكلِّ ما يدخل إليها ويخرج منها.

الحصول على تأشيرة لزيارتها يتطلّب موافقة الاحتلال والمرور بحواجزه ومقابلة جنوده، ومحبّوكم في غزة وهم كثر لن يتمكنوا من الحضور، لأنّ سكان غزة المحاصرين محرومون من دخول الشّطر الآخر من وطنهم المحتّل، وعشّاقكم من فلسطينيي الشّتات لن يتمكنوا من الحضور، لأنّ الاحتلال يحرّم بلادهم عليهم.

كثيرة هي المسارات التي يمكنكم سلوكها للتّواصل معنا، وموسيقاكم مهّدتها وكلمات أغانيكم عبّدتها، أما مجيئكم إلى فلسطين فليس مساراً إجبارياً، ومن المفترض أن لا يُطرَح من الأصل.

نقدّر عالياً رغبتكم بالغناء أمام محبّيكم في فلسطين ولن نقول أنّها ترف، فالموسيقا والاستمتاع بها ليسا ترفاً ولكن في الوقت الذي يُمنَع فيه المرضى والجرحى في غزة من دخول رام الله والقدس لتلقي العلاج، وفي الوقت الذي يُمنَع الموسيقيون الفلسطينيون في مخيمات اللجوء من العودة إلى فلسطين ومن الغناء والعزف في مسارحها وشوارعها، نتوقّع من الموسيقيين العرب، ومنكم تحديداً، أن ترفضوا “الامتياز” الذي أتاحه لكم الاحتلال بدخول فلسطين بمباركته. لا يُعقل أن يُحرَمَ الفلسطينيون من حقّهم في العودة، بينما يوافق الفنانون العرب على إقامة الأمسيات في بلادٍ فتحها الاحتلال لهم وأوصدها أمام أهلها.

نتطلَّع إلى استقبالكم والاحتفاء بموسيقاكم في وطنٍ حرٍّ ومستقلٍّ يوماً ما، وحتّى ذلك اليوم، ستظل قلوبنا مفتوحة لكم، أوليس هذا تواصلاً أيضاً؟!

“The End of the World”: A Poet’s Journey from Yarmouk to Algiers

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On 25 November, 2015, Dima Yousef, her mother and two sisters landed in the Algerian capital. Her mother had decided that living in war-torn Syria was a gamble that the family could no longer risk.

Dima Yousef, a 30-year-old poet and Arabic language teacher, is the third of five siblings. Born and raised in Yarmouk refugee camp in the southern outskirts of Damascus, Dima belongs to a family uprooted from the Palestinian village of Hosheh, east of Haifa. The village had been the site of a fierce battle between the Arab Liberation Army and Haganah terrorists in April 1948. It fell to the Haganah’s Carmeli Brigade on the 16th of that month, forcing all residents to flee either to neighboring villages or to Lebanon and later to Syria, where Dima’s grandparents settled.

A lone palm tree, a graveyard and some ruins bear witness to what was once a peaceful agricultural community. Physically destroyed, Hosheh was revived through the stories and memories passed on by the survivors to the second and third generations of the Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by Zionist militias in 1948.

When Dima bid Damascus a final farewell, she was overwhelmed by the jarring sense of permanent loss and uprooting, the feeling experienced and often articulated by Nakba survivors in Yarmouk.

There are no regular power cuts and fuel shortages in Algiers, no random mortar shells or military checkpoints tearing the city asunder. Yet, somehow, Dima always felt “safer” in Damascus. “It would be ungrateful of me to complain or talk about nostalgia,” Dima told me. “I am lucky to be alive, to have a room of my own, but I miss everything about Damascus, even all those long days without electricity.”

Upon leaving Damascus, Dima could only fit her most precious belongings in her bag, including the books a dear friend had given her. But she left behind a heart torn in two: one piece lay in the timeless streets of Damascus’ Old City; the other remains in Yarmouk, or what is left of it.

Dima is eloquent in her vivid poetry, yet still struggles to put into words what she misses most about Yarmouk. She hasn’t been able to set foot in the camp for over three years, and deep down, she knows she will never go back again.

“No, not just the streets, the alleys, the houses or my memories that are still floating there. Not just people’s faces, their clear eyes, their raw emotions and their astounding intimacy. These are not the only things I miss about Yarmouk,” Dima writes.

“Not just my father’s grave, the presence of which I haven’t gotten used to yet. Not only do I miss the things I used to possess, the things that were mine: my home, my family, my friends, my life.

Life! This is precisely what I miss the most when I think about the camp. Life, in all of its noise, its anguish, and its exhaustion. Yarmouk and its people were masterful at imbuing everything around them with life, pulse, warmth and spark.

‘Yarmouk never sleeps,’ this is what anyone who knew the camp used to say. It never slept as though it were scared of missing something. Yarmouk has always been true to this habit. And even when death arrived, Yarmouk stayed awake and missed none of it.”

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It was in July 2013, just before Syrian government forces had imposed a full siege on the camp, that Dima and her family fled Yarmouk. Dima had to face so many losses: the high schoolers she used to teach, who were both her students and her friends in Yarmouk; her home in the camp, which was destroyed by shelling; her father, who succumbed to his wounds in that same month after being shot by a sniper.

Death by a sniper, Dima would later conclude, is still more merciful than the slow death under siege.

In an untitled poem, translated by Fawaz Azem, Dima explains that her father “would have surely been destroyed by his indignation at seeing hunger rampaging on the bodies of the young, unstoppable!”

She goes on to say:

Thank you, bullet that claimed father’s life before it was claimed by indignation!

Thank you, sniper, who performed his ablution with his blood!

Thank you father’s blood, which brought closure to the scene!

In another cruel twist, Dima, then encouraged by friends to begin seriously contemplating the idea of publishing her first poetry collection, was arrested by Syrian security forces on 27 November 2014. The reason for her arrest was a complaint presented against her two years earlier. It stated that she was “active” on Facebook pages opposing the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad.

Since the beginning of the Syrian uprising, Dima has been explicit in her support for peaceful protests and has spoken out against repression. Yet, she has never considered herself an activist, arguing that rejecting injustice and oppression is the natural thing to do, not a form of activism.

“I’m not a hero and what I faced in prison pales in comparison to what most detainees go through,” Dima reiterates. “You do not need to be a political activist to express solidarity with people under siege and shelling.”

Dima believes she was lucky not to have been tortured or humiliated like the others. She spent two weeks in detention, but knows that people can spend years and even die in Syrian prisons on the basis of reports linking them to political activism.

“A year ago today, I learned that there are places that God never visits,” Dima wrote on the first anniversary of her arrest, referring to the security branches run by the Syrian government.

Although she often preferred not to rub that unscabbed wound, in an unpublished diary entitled “The End of the World,” Dima tried, for the first time, to articulate what her experience in detention was like.

“Now I know what the end of the world looks like,” she begins.

It is a wall covered with many scribblings and indecipherable words written by the prisoners; a wall filled with pleas and the counting of endless vanishing days; a wall that testifies to the voices of those who try to create noise out of the inaudible screams buried in their throats.

I would open my eyes and close them to a prayer scrawled in black large letters, as if the person who wrote it had tried to release all the darkness and indignation inside her through one last supplication.

On prison walls, so many women left their names behind like stains of blood. With an eyeliner forgotten in one woman’s pocket, the edge of a button, or with their nails, they scratched the harsh face of truth embodied by a prison wall upon which life begins and ends.

Or perhaps, they simply wrote down their names to make sure that they still exist and that their names have not been thrown into oblivion.

In her prison diaries, Dima also remembers the screams of tortured detainees –the screams that are too painful for “just one heart and two ears” to handle – the everyday “tricks” used by women to cope and survive, and the wait for prison doors to open, for the guard to call names of those selected for release, and for the arrival of the “morning bus” –the bus that transfers detainees out of jail, “from a certain death to a possible life.”

She writes about her anger at being dragged to a corner by a prison guard and photographed by an officer, known as Abu Ali, without being allowed to smile.

“If only he’d let me smile, smile to all the faces of prisoners photographed for the last time of their life, by Abu Ali.”

During her two weeks in detention, Dima’s family insisted on maintaining utmost secrecy for fear of possible repercussions.

Dima, too, was reluctant to talk about her brief arrest due to the stigma associated with political detention and the fact that she was a public sector employee in Syria.

For Dima Yousef, exile and imprisonment bear many similarities: the alienation, the loneliness, the uncertainty, a feeling that time is frozen and that her life is on hold.

Dima is finding it hard to break free from the shackles of memory and longing just as she struggled after her release from prison.

Her free verse poetry gives her strength and solace.

The fact that her poems are only published on her personal Facebook page means that Dima’s poetry is yet to receive the publicity or the readership it deserves. But thanks to Azem’s translations, Dima’s poetry reached unexpected audience, when Chicago-based flautist Shanna Gutierrez adapted one of her poems into a musical composition.

“Songish” meant a lot to Dima, who is also a big fan of the flute. It reaffirmed her faith that poetry and music have the power to break borders she is forbidden from crossing, and show the human face of a tragedy mostly reduced to numbers and geopolitical calculations.

In a journey that continues to be marked by uncertainty and marred by individual and collective losses, Dima has no idea where life will take her next. What she does know for certain is that distance is measured by heartbeats rather than miles. And Yarmouk lives in each and every heartbeat.

How the Syrian Revolution has transformed me

 

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The world revolves around Palestine, or so I thought until 2011.

The Palestinian cause, I argued, was the litmus test for anyone’s commitment to freedom and justice. Palestine was the one and only compass that must guide any Arab revolution. Whether a regime is good or bad should be judged, first and foremost, based on its stance from the Palestinian cause. Every event should somehow be viewed through a Palestinian lens. The Arab people have failed us, and we inspired the entire world with our resistance.

 

Yes, I called myself internationalist. I claimed to stand for universal and humanist ideals. I blathered on and on about breaking borders and waging a socialist revolution.

But then came Syria, and my hypocrisy and the fragility of those ideals became exposed.

 

When I first heard the Syrian people in Daraa demand a regime reform on 18 March 2011, all I could think about, subconsciously, was: “If the Egyptian scenario happens in Syria, it would be a disaster for Palestine.”

I did not think about those who were killed by the regime on that day. I did not think of those arrested or tortured.

I did not think about the inevitable crackdown by the regime.

I did not greet the incredibly courageous protests in Daraa with the same elation and zeal I felt during the Tunisian, Egyptian, Bahraini, Yemeni, and Libyan uprisings.

All I could muster was a sigh of suspicion and fear.

“Assad is a tyrant and his regime is rotten,” I thought to myself, “but the subsequent results of its fall might be catastrophic for Palestine and the resistance.” That sacred axis of resistance meant to me back then much more than the Syrian lives being cut short by its defenders.

I was one of those whose hearts would pound when Hassan Nasrallah appeared on TV. I bookmarked loads of YouTube videos of his speeches and teared up while listening to songs glorifying the resistance and its victories.

And while I supported the demands of the Syrian protesters in principle, I did so with reluctance and it was a conditional support. It was not even solidarity because it was so selfish and always centered around Palestine.

I retweeted a blog post by an Egyptian activist calling on Syrians to carry Palestinian flags, in order to “debunk” regime propaganda. The Syrian people took to the streets defending the same universal ideals that I claimed to stand for, yet I was incapable of viewing their struggle outside my narrow Palestinian prism. I claimed to be internationalist while prioritizing Palestinian concerns over Syrian victims. I shamelessly took part in the Suffering Olympics and was annoyed that Syrian pain occupied more newspaper pages than Palestinian pain. I was too gullible to notice that the ordeals of both Syrians and Palestinians are just footnotes and that the breaking news would become too routine, too dull and unworthy of consumption in the space of few months.

I claimed to reject all forms of oppression while simultaneously waiting for the head of a sectarian militia to say something about Syria and to talk passionately about Palestine.

 

The Syrian revolution put me on trial for betraying my principles. But instead of condemning me, it taught me the lesson of my life: it was a lesson given with grace and dignity.

It was delivered with love, by the women and men dancing and singing in the streets, challenging the iron fist with creativity, refusing to give up while being chased by security forces, turning funeral processions into exuberant marches for freedom, rethinking ways to subvert regime censorship; introducing mass politics amidst unspeakable terror; and chanting for unity despite sectarian incitement; and chanting the name of Palestine in numerous protests and carrying the Palestinian flag without needing a superstar Egyptian blogger to ask them to do so.

It was a gradual learning process in which I had to grapple with my own prejudices of how a revolution should “look like,” and how we should react to a movement against a purportedly pro-Palestinian regime. I desperately tried to overlook the ugly face beneath the mask of resistance worn by Hezbollah, but the revolution tore that mask apart. And that was not the only mask torn apart, many more followed. And now the real faces of self-styled freedom fighters and salon leftists were exposed; the long-crushed Syrian voices emerged.

How can one not be inspired by a people rediscovering their voices, transforming folk songs and football chants into revolutionary chants? How can one not be taken aback by protests choreographed in front of tanks?

 

The Syrian geography was much more diverse and rich than that promoted by the regime and the official narrative collapsed as Syrians from the margins reconstructed their own narratives. The Syrian rainbow had many more colors than those permitted by the regime. And Syrians could raise their voices in places other than football stadiums, using their famous victory chant in public squares and streets to curse Hafez al-Assad, the “eternal leader.”

 

If Hafez al-Assad’s name could only be whispered with trembles before 2011, people at last could vociferously curse him and his son, shaking both the physical as well as the symbolic hegemony of this dynasty to its foundations.

 

I could not remain neutral as Syrians redefined the feasible and stretched the boundaries of people power, albeit briefly, during those early months of fatal hope.

Wouldn’t remaining impartial have been an act of treason to anything I claimed to stand for? How could I possibly read out Howard Zinn’s quote “You cannot be neutral on a moving train” to those sitting on the fence on Palestine, while I was doing the same on Syria? The Syrian revolution crumbled the fence from under me. I rediscovered my voice thanks to the mass mobilization I witnessed in Syria. I would listen to clips from Syrian protests, memorize their chants, and repeat them in Palestinian protests. Thinking of the fearlessness of Syrians would immediately make my voice louder and help make me overcome any slight semblance of fear.

 

You do not choose the nationality into which you were born but you don’t have to be bound by its shackles.

My Syrian identity, my sense of belonging to the Syrian revolution, was not forced onto me. I chose to adopt it. I never stepped foot in Syria. It was not until 2013 that I first met a Syrian not from the Occupied Golan Heights in the flesh, face to face. My main way of connecting with Syrians was and remains through social media and Skype. Yet, I couldn’t help but feel Syrian and completely identify with the struggle.

Until 2011, my talk about breaking borders and internationalist solidarity was but a soundbite, mere rhetorics. Thanks to the Syrian uprising, I finally understood what solidarity is really about.

 

I always expected people to support the Palestinian cause without imposing conditions, without preaching or lecturing, without dictating. When the Syrian uprising erupted, I acted exactly like those armchair preaches demanding a jasmine revolution from Palestinians, constantly asking us about the New Gandhi and MLK. But as the revolution went on, I could finally comprehend the true meaning of solidarity from below, a solidarity that is unconditional yet also critical. I saw how people like martyr Omar Aziz applied horizontal self-governance in some of the more conservative and traditional neighborhoods, and I learned from his model.

I learned the meaning of communal solidarity and Palestinian-Syrian togetherness from the Palestinian residents of Daraa refugee camp: they risked their lives to smuggle bread and medicine and break the siege on the rising city of Daraa. It was not just a humanitarian act; it was a political statement and the beginning of the formation of an identity, that of the Palestinian-Syrian revolutionary.

 

Khaled Bakrawi, a Palestinian refugee from Yarmouk, and Zaradasht Wanly, a Syrian youngster from Damascus, were both injured by Israeli occupation forces during “return marches” to the Golan Heights in 2011. Both Khaled and Zaradasht were murdered by the Syrian regime: the former was killed under torture, the latter was shot dead during a peaceful protest.

 

Syrians marched in solidarity with Gaza amid the rubble of their houses destroyed by Syrian regime air strikes. The Syrian Revolutionary Youth put out posters against the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the Naqab when most of the group’s members were in hiding, jails, exile, or graves.

Such is the solidarity of the oppressed which Syrians turned from rhetorics to practice. How can one not admire it?

 

If the Second Intifada in October 2000 shaped the political consciousness and national identity of an 11-year-old girl who had just left her tiny village to move to the city; the first wave of the Syrian revolution in March 2011 rebirthed a woman making her more confident steps in Jerusalem. Jerusalem, my city, the one I chose to call home, could not by any means be liberated by the oppressors of my people, of Syrians. Jerusalem’s spirit cannot be hijacked by those bombing a hospital carrying its name.

Far from struggling to reconcile my Palestinian and Syrian identity layers, The Syrian uprising made me even more committed to the struggle for Palestinian liberation: the liberation of the land from the occupier and the liberation of the cause from dictators and bandwagoners.

 

And while I parted company with people I once regarded comrades because of their support for the Syrian regime, I also gained new, lifelong friendships that have imbued my world with warmth and strength.

 

I owe so much to the Syrian revolution, which re-created me. I have no status or self-importance or willingness to speak on behalf of anyone, let alone on behalf of the Palestinian people, but I personally owe an apology to the Syrian people. I should have never hesitated in supporting their just cause. I should have never privileged geopolitical concerns over Syrian lives; and I should have never been so naively deceived by the propaganda of the resistance axis.

I owe an apology to a people who, for decades, were trodden upon, silenced, and humiliated in the name of my own cause; to a people whose only encounter with “Palestine” was in a prison dungeon carrying this name; the people who were blamed and mocked for being so docile yet when they did rise up, they were abandoned.

I owe an apology to a people who are blamed for a carnage committed against them, just as we have been, and who have been betrayed by an opposition pretending to represent them, just as we have been, too. I owe an apology to a people cynically called upon to bring an alternative to the Assad regime and Islamists while bombs and missiles fall on their heads. Those same people asking “Where is the alternative?” ignore that Syrians who were ready to offer a progressive vision have either been jailed, killed or displaced by the regime.

One would think that Palestinians know the cynicism behind the question of alternatives that they wouldn’t pose it to another oppressed people fighting to build everything from scratch.

 

Yet despite contradictions, Palestinians and Syrians do share the same yearning for freedom, the same burning desire to live in dignity and the dream to walk in the streets of the Old City of Damascus and the Old City of Jerusalem.

The road we shall cross to get there, though, is not the one that the regime and Hezbollah saturated with Syrian corpses, but one paved with the hands of Palestinian and Syrian freedom fighters: by people who know that their freedom is always incomplete without the freedom of their sisters and brothers.

 

 

الجانب الآخر من صناعة استخراج الذهب

لاتينيا

في موقع حبر

«قد أكون فقيرة وأمّيّة ولكنني أعلم أن البحيرات والجبال هي كنزنا الحقيقي وسأناضل كي لا يدمّرها المنجم» مكسيما أكونيا دي تشاوبي، (45 عامًا).

في الوقت الذي يفتح فيه القادة والرؤساء قناني الشمبانيا احتفالًا بمعاهدات بيئية لن يتم تطبيقها واحترامها، تقوم الحراكات الاجتماعية في أميركا اللاتينية، والتي تشارك فيها هذه المزارعة البيروفية المعروفة بـ«سيدة البحيرة الزّرقاء»، بحماية الكوكب نيابة عنا جميعًا.

فمكسيما تملك مع أسرتها مزرعة تحتل موقعًا استراتيجيًا قرب البحيرة الزّرقاء في شمال البيرو، وهي بحيرة غنيّة بالذّهب والنحاس. ولكن هذا الغنى انقلب من نعمة إلى نقمة على العائلة التي تعيش على زراعة الكفاف وتعتمد على البحيرة لبقائها والمحافظة على أسلوب حياتها، بعد أن دخلت الشركات متعددة الجنسيات على الخط، محاولةً الاستحواذ على المنطقة لبناء منجم كان مقرّرًا أن يصبح أكبر منجم ذهب في أميركا اللاتينية، وثاني أكبر منجم في العالم. Continue reading “الجانب الآخر من صناعة استخراج الذهب”

وداعاً بيرتا.. ناطورة الأنهار

في موقع المنشور

رغم أن مواجهة التغيّر المناخي والأخطار البيئية ضرورة وليست ترفاً، فإن أحد أبرز الانتقادات الموجّهة للناشطين البيئيين يصب في كونهم مرفّهين ينأون بأنفسهم عن النضالات السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية.

لم يأتِ هذا التنميط من فراغ فهو ينطبق على الكثير من الناشطين البيئيين البيض والليبراليين في أوروبا والولايات المتحدة إذ يمضون وقتهم في التنقل بين فنادق العالم والسفر من مؤتمر إلى آخر وحصد المال الشّخصي.

إلا أن الواقع في أميركا اللاتينية مختلف تماماً حيث نجد المناضلين البيئيين في الخطوط الأمامية للدفاع عن أراضيهم في وجه الجرّافات والرّافعات والرّصاص ومن الممكن أن يدفعوا حياتهم ثمناً لهذه لمواجهة. Continue reading “وداعاً بيرتا.. ناطورة الأنهار”

عن نسوية الصالونات وأصوات النساء ذوات الإعاقة

في موقع حبر

حين تقدّمت للعمل في جمعية نسوية قبل التحاقي بالجامعة، كان سقف توقّعاتي منخفضًا. فقد كنت أصغر المشتركات وأقلهن خبرةً ومجرّد دعوتي إلى المقابلة كان أمرًا مفاجئًا. إذن، ما شكّل صفعة قاسية لكبريائي لم يكن الرّفض بحد ذاته، بل الطريقة التي تعاملت بها ممثّلات الجمعية النسوية معي أثناء المقابلة.

كان السؤال الأول الذي طرحنه هو «لماذا لم تذكري في سيرتك الذاتية أنك تعانين من إعاقة؟». حاولت تجاوز الإهانة المتمثّلة بالسؤال والتي ينضح بها إلصاق صفة المعاناة بالإعاقة الجسدية، واستفضت بالشرح والكلام وكنت واثقة أنني «أفحمتهنّ»، ولكن سرعان ما أدركت سذاجة تلك الثّقة بعد سماع السؤال الثاني من المديرة: «ولكن هنالك جمعيّات مخصصة لأصحاب الإعاقة وللمكفوفين تحديدًا، أليس من الأفضل أن تتقدمي للعمل في إحداهن فالعمل هنا سيكون صعبًا عليك؟».

كان في نبرتها مزيج من الشّفقة والاستهجان. الشعوران قد يبدوان متناقضين للوهلة الأولى، ولكن تجربتنا الحياتية تثبت أنهما منسجمان تمامًا، فالشّفقة هي محاولة بائسة لتلطيف الإهانة وتغليفها بتعاطف إنساني كاذب لم نطلبه أصلًا. Continue reading “عن نسوية الصالونات وأصوات النساء ذوات الإعاقة”

Aspiring Palestinian journalist killed months before graduation

“We immediately shut down the store to see what was happening,” said a coworker, who asked not to be named. “Later, we saw a massive number of troops storm the camp so we began marching through the camp’s market while chanting.” Continue reading “Aspiring Palestinian journalist killed months before graduation”