الجانب الآخر من صناعة استخراج الذهب


في موقع حبر

«قد أكون فقيرة وأمّيّة ولكنني أعلم أن البحيرات والجبال هي كنزنا الحقيقي وسأناضل كي لا يدمّرها المنجم» مكسيما أكونيا دي تشاوبي، (45 عامًا).

في الوقت الذي يفتح فيه القادة والرؤساء قناني الشمبانيا احتفالًا بمعاهدات بيئية لن يتم تطبيقها واحترامها، تقوم الحراكات الاجتماعية في أميركا اللاتينية، والتي تشارك فيها هذه المزارعة البيروفية المعروفة بـ«سيدة البحيرة الزّرقاء»، بحماية الكوكب نيابة عنا جميعًا.

فمكسيما تملك مع أسرتها مزرعة تحتل موقعًا استراتيجيًا قرب البحيرة الزّرقاء في شمال البيرو، وهي بحيرة غنيّة بالذّهب والنحاس. ولكن هذا الغنى انقلب من نعمة إلى نقمة على العائلة التي تعيش على زراعة الكفاف وتعتمد على البحيرة لبقائها والمحافظة على أسلوب حياتها، بعد أن دخلت الشركات متعددة الجنسيات على الخط، محاولةً الاستحواذ على المنطقة لبناء منجم كان مقرّرًا أن يصبح أكبر منجم ذهب في أميركا اللاتينية، وثاني أكبر منجم في العالم. Continue reading “الجانب الآخر من صناعة استخراج الذهب”


Fighting to bury their sons: on the necropolitics of occupation

In Roar Magazine

In her 1969 book On Death and Dying, Swiss psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross outlined five major emotional stages that people tend to go through while coping with the death or loss of a loved one: denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance.

Over three months have passed since the killing of his son Bahaa, but Muhammad Alayan has not been able to experience any of them. The 60-year-old lawyer has been too immersed in the struggle to recover the body of his slain son to actually contemplate his loss.

“More than a hundred days have gone and I couldn’t sit with my wife and three (remaining) children at one table together and realize that there is an empty chair no longer occupied by Bahaa,” Muhammad Alayan told me. “We have had no time to discuss his absence because our entire lives have revolved around getting him back.”

Parents whose children’s bodies or remains are detained by Israel, either in morgues or in the infamous “cemeteries of numbers” (where the remains of at least 268 Palestinian combatants have been buried for decades in closed military zones) wait to receive their bodies as if they were waiting to welcome living people after their release from their prisons. Continue reading “Fighting to bury their sons: on the necropolitics of occupation”

Israeli soldiers cheered while Palestinian bled to death under army jeep

The family of Abdallah Ghuneimat mourn during his funeral in Kafr Malik on 14 June. Shadi Hatem \ APA
The family of Abdallah Ghuneimat mourn during his funeral in Kafr Malik on 14 June. Shadi Hatem \ APA

Two days after Abdallah Ghuneimat was killed by Israeli occupation forces, his hometown of Kafr Malik was still reeling.

It was not just the killing that caused an overwhelming sense of shock and anger in the village to the northeast of the occupied West Bank city of Ramallah. It was also the cruel manner in which it happened.

Recounting the few hours following Ghuneimat’s killing, Kafr Malik resident Aisha Hamayel said that “his mother was looking at his corpse from afar, saying, ‘May God help his poor mother,’ not realizing that he was her son. Is there any worse crime than putting a mother through this?”

“Is there any worse tragedy than a mother not recognizing her son because of how deformed his face was?” she added.

On 14 June, Israeli forces raided Kafr Malik, home to approximately 3,000 Palestinians. Frequent night and pre-dawn raids are a constant nightmare in the village. These raids often end in clashes between the Israeli army and youth who try to defend their village.

“I heard the sound of two gunshots and a stun grenade at around 4:30am just as I was waking up to pray fajr[pre-dawn prayers],” Ghuneimat’s aunt, Maha Hamayel, told The Electronic Intifada.

“We live next to the main road where the shooting occurred, so we quickly went outside to see what was happening. We saw the body of a young man and his amputated leg was trapped between a wall and an Israeli military jeep. He was drenched in blood and his blood literally covered the entire street, but we couldn’t initially identify him,” Maha said. She sat next to Ghuneimat’s mother, who had collapsed in anguish.

Politically active

Abdallah Ghuneimat, 21, worked at his uncle’s poultry farm in Kafr Malik. He spent most of his time running the farm after his release from Israeli prison in August last year.

Ghuneimat was arrested when he was 18 for “resisting the occupation,” as his father, Iyad, put it. “He was politically active with Fatah since he was 12,” Iyad told The Electronic Intifada.

Ghuneimat spent two years in Ofer military prison, where he successfully completed the tawjihi matriculation exam given to high school students.

“During his time in prison, both his father and I were banned from visiting him on security grounds,” his mother, Zanat Ghuneimat, explained.

“It was a very hard period for all of us. So when he was released I just wanted him to focus on his work and life,” his mother said before breaking down in tears.

Even after his release from prison, Ghuneimat continued to defend Kafr Malik from the Israeli army’s raids.

His father is convinced that the army came with the intention of assassinating his son.

The army, meanwhile, offered an entirely different account. According to a military spokesperson, a Molotov cocktail was thrown at the jeep which resulted in the crash into a wall — and the “accident” in which Ghuneimat was hit and eventually killed.

“If this was true, if it was only an accident, why did they leave him to bleed for more than three hours? Why did they continue to prevent us from lifting up his body?” his father asked.

The family refused to have an autopsy performed, opting to bury Ghuneimat as soon as possible in a funeral procession that was attended by thousands of Palestinians from Kafr Malik and neighboring villages on Monday.

Bleeding for hours

The fact that no autopsy was carried out makes it difficult to independently verify whether Ghuneimat was indeed shot. But what was clear for the family and eyewitnesses was that Ghuneimat was left bleeding under the jeep for hours while the Israeli soldiers were jubilantly cheering.

“The soldiers were singing and cheering in the jeep while women were crying and trying to get closer to see the body,” Shurouq Hamayel, Ghuneimat’s cousin, who was at the scene, told The Electronic Intifada.

Sawsan Hamayel, Ghuneimat’s aunt, confirmed this account and added that the soldiers were “firing tear gas, sound bombs as well as live bullets in the air to disperse the gathering crowd.”

During the raid on Kafr Malik, Israeli soldiers detained a Palestinian man from the village of Silwad in the jeep. Though blindfolded, the man told the crowd that the soldiers kept saying “aim at him” before the jeep ran over Ghuneimat.

Iyad Ghuneimat, Abdallah’s father, said that a few minutes after the collision, the Israeli soldier kept asking Abdallah’s mother and grandfather: “Do you have anyone missing? Are you looking for someone?” while pointing to Ghuneimat’s home. For the father, this was an indication that they actually knew whom they hit.

Stains of blood and gasoline mark the wall where the Israeli jeep crashed.


For the three hours that followed the brutal killing, the villagers did not even know who the victim was and were physically prevented from reaching him.

Maha Hamayel says that Israeli soldiers beat Ghuneimat’s mother and kicked her away but she insisted on coming back.

The first to identify Ghuneimat was his uncle Hikmat, owner of the chicken farm where Ghuneimat worked for the last few months. Before the Israeli army finally allowed them to recover the body and before paramedics were allowed to transfer Ghuneimat to the Ramallah hospital, Hikmat tried to dissuade his relatives from coming close. He said he was incapable of telling them the shocking truth about their loved one.

The paramedics, however, were too late as Ghuneimat was already dead by then.

“We were looking forward to spending Ramadan together,” said his aunt Maha.

“In the last two years, he was forced to spend Ramadan in prison. We had plans this year for him to spend the month together and to cook him all the dishes that he likes. But he was taken away from us forever,” she added.

Ghuneimat’s five-year-old sister Rahma was especially traumatized. She was very close to her brother, who used to spend his free time playing with her.

Rahma had hardly uttered a word since his death. Instead, she stands and sobs next to the wall where her brother was killed.

Abdallah Ghuneimat was dreaming of leading stable life and having a family of his own, his relatives say. Israel denied him all of that.

Le Noir: décoloniser l’anarchisme et défier l’hégémonie blanche

French translation of my article on de-colonising anarchism
By Dyhia Tadmut

L’apparition dans les rues du Caire, en janvier 2013, du Black Bloc égyptien a déclenché une candide euphorie dans les cercles anarchistes occidentaux. Aucun intérêt n’a été accordé à la ligne politique du Black Block – ou à son absence -, à ses stratégies ou à ses prises de positions sur le plan économique et social. Pour la majorité des anarchistes occidentaux, il leur a suffi que les membres du Black Bloc leur ressemblent et qu’ils soient vêtus comme eux pour susciter en leur sein une admiration inconditionnelle. Les pages Facebook des anarchistes israéliens furent inondées de photos d’activistes du Black Bloc en question. Parcourir la blogosphère des anarchistes américains, pendant cette période, donne l’impression que ce Black Bloc marquait la première rencontre que l’Égypte ait jamais connu avec l’anarchisme ou l’anti-autoritarisme.

Mais comme le soulignait l’écrivain américain Joshua Stephens, la réaction de joie exprimée par beaucoup d’anarchistes occidentaux pour le Black Bloc soulève des questions peu radieuses sur leur obsession de la forme et de la représentation, plutôt que sur le fond et les actions. En d’autres termes, ces anarchistes ne sont pas si différents des islamistes, qui se sont empressés de qualifier le Black Bloc de blasphématoire et d’impie à cause de leur style occidental. Par ailleurs, beaucoup de réactions ont été révélatrices de l’attitude orientaliste des anarchistes occidentaux, notamment par leur mépris pour l’histoire pourtant abondante de l’anarchisme en Égypte et au Moyen-Orient. Comme le démontre l’anarchiste égyptien Yasser Abdullah, l’anarchisme en Égypte remonte aux années 1870 et a nourri la révolte d’Urabi Pacha en 1881; les anarchistes grecques et italiens avaient aussi organisé des grèves et des manifestations avec les travailleurs égyptiens. Ces luttes sont nonchalamment écartées d’un revers de la main par ceux qui, aujourd’hui, font comme si ce Black Bloc était le premier groupe authentiquement radical qui ait honoré le sol égyptien.

Cet article tend à montrer que l’accueil superficiel fait en Égypte à ce Black Bloc n’est rien d’autre qu’un exemple de la nécessité pour « l’anarchisme blanc » de se démarquer d’une attitude orientaliste, dont la gauche occidentale n’est généralement pas exempte. Je démontrerai que cet échec est attribuable au fait que l’anarchisme occidental n’a pas complètement été décolonisé. Je commencerai par expliquer comment les conduites coloniales ont participé à ce que le camp des Républicains dans la révolution espagnole mette de côté la question du colonialisme espagnol en Afrique du Nord, au point que leur combat ait principalement été mené contre le fascisme métropolitain. Car si la révolution espagnole reste une référence pour les mouvements anarchistes actuels, il n’est pas surprenant qu’un tel comportement colonial ait conduit les mouvements contemporains à ignorer des siècles de luttes anti-autoritaires en Asie, en Afrique et au Moyen-Orient. Un processus de décolonisation si incomplet signifie aussi que beaucoup de mouvements anarchistes occidentaux, tout comme leur discours, demeurent entièrement dominés par des Blancs, qui continuent à exclure les gens de couleur. Je soulignerai enfin que non seulement « l’anarchisme blanc » tend à ostraciser les gens de couleur, mais que l’accent qu’ils mettent sur une certaine imagerie et sur un style particulier conduit aussi à la marginalisation des handicapés et de ceux qui ne s’identifient pas nécessairement aux anarchistes, malgré leurs attitudes violemment anti-autoritaires. Enfin, l’article prendra l’organisation, Anarchists Against the Wall (Anarchistes contre le Mur) pour exemple spécifique des différentes faiblesses de l’anarchisme blanc, à savoir l’exclusivité, l’élitisme et son échec à défier adéquatement les privilèges des colons blancs.

Retour sur la Révolution espagnole

En dépit de la défaite ultime de la révolution espagnole, les anarchistes continuent à la considérer comme une source d’inspiration pour l’anarcho-syndicalisme et l’auto-gouvernance anti-hiérarchique. Ce fut une guerre disproportionnée contre une machine militaire puissante, soutenue et armée jusqu’aux dents par l’Italie fasciste et l’Allemagne nazie. Néanmoins, aucun modèle anarchiste, aucune figure ni aucun événement important ne peuvent être exempt de toute critique (vertu distinguant l’anarchisme d’une grande partie de la gauche traditionnelle). Bien qu’elle soit un modèle d’inspiration, la révolution espagnole était loin d’être une parfaite utopie ; elle était marquée par de nombreuses anomalies et failles. Ce ne sera pas l’objet de cet article, néanmoins, il est nécessaire d’identifier ces manquements, en incluant la violation brutale des droits de l’Homme par les républicains, l’alliance contrainte entre les bourgeois et les staliniens, les conflits internes futiles, et bien d’autres erreurs stratégiques. Souvent, les révolutionnaires n’ont pas le luxe de choisir leurs alliés et le manque d’alternative au sein de la gauche les pousse dans bien des cas à accepter le soutien de pouvoirs idéologiquement opposés. Mais même en reconnaissant que personne ne s’attend à ce qu’une révolution soit entièrement pure, dans aucun cas les exécutions massives et la répression des libertés religieuses n’ont été condamnées. L’« erreur » stratégique et morale principale, sur laquelle je souhaiterais me focaliser, ici repose sur la question de la colonisation espagnole au Maroc et dans le Sahara occidental  – question absolument balayée par les explosions de violence en métropole d’alors.

Entièrement investis dans leur combat contre le fascisme et la tyrannie, les révolutionnaires ont ignoré le colonialisme espagnol, le fascisme comme la tyrannie répandues à travers la Méditerranée. Selon la plupart des narrations révolutionnaires, le niveau de déshumanisation de l’ « Autre » était tellement  élevé que le seul rôle laissé aux colonisés marocains était celui de mercenaires, souvent importés par le Général Franco pour écraser le Front populaire. Les références, quant à elles, utilisées par l’opinion pro-révolutionnaire pour évoquer les Marocains, se traduisaient, généralement, en termes racistes. Tout en admettant qu’il est difficile d’avancer que la solidarité mutuelle entre les révolutionnaires espagnols et les colonisés marocains ait pu changer l’issue de la guerre, il est tout aussi compliqué d’imaginer que cette solidarité n’ait jamais été prioritaire. Comme le souligne le défunt historien américain, Howard Zinn : « À court terme (et jusqu’ici l’histoire de l’Humanité a été constituée que de courts termes) les victimes, elles-mêmes désespérées et corrompues par la culture qui les opprime, sont, généralement, hostiles aux autres victimes ». D’un autre côté, l’anarchisme signifie par son essence le rejet et la lutte contre toute forme d’autorité et d’assujettissement, y compris le colonialisme et l’occupation. Pour pouvoir se considérer véritablement anti-autoritaire au sein du pouvoir colonial, tous les combats contre le fascisme et la dictature en métropole devaient donc être internationalisés et n’aurait pas dû se distinguer des luttes contre le fascisme et la tyrannie à l’étranger.

Revenir sur la révolution espagnole, alors que nous marquons son 77e anniversaire, est pertinent dans la mesure où les anarchistes ont encore à s’en approprier les principales leçons. À quelques exceptions près, les mouvements anarchistes occidentaux sont toujours principalement composés de Blancs, involontairement (ou peut-être sciemment) orientalistes, occidentalo-centriques, même élitistes, et peu chaleureux avec les personnes qui ne leur ressemblent pas. Ainsi, les luttes anti-autoritaires au Moyen-Orient, en Afrique et en Asie sont généralement passées sous silence. Il faut cependant souligner que les anarchistes de couleur portent une responsabilité non négligeable dans leur vide relatif de corpus. Le livre exceptionnel de Maia Ramnath, Decolonizing Anarchism: An Antiauthoritarian History of India’s Liberation Struggle  et celui d’Ilham Khury Makdissi, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860-1914 , font partie des rares tentatives de proposer une histoire alternative de l’anti-autoritarisme des régions oubliées de ce monde.

Sans étiquette

Ces livres sont la preuve que les luttes anti-autoritaires dans les pays en voie de développement sont antérieures au mouvement du Black Bloc en Égypte évoqué en début d’article. L’anarchisme n’est pas une étiquette, une marque ou un cachet, et en faire un effet de mode endommage sans commune mesure le mouvement. L’anarchisme est la croyance inébranlable, tel que l’écrit Alexander Berkman, que « vous êtes libre, que personne ne peut vous réduire en esclavage, vous commander, vous voler, ou vous imposer quoi que ce soit. Cela signifie que vous êtes libre de faire ce qu’il vous plait et qu’on ne peut vous imposer de faire une chose que vous ne voulez pas faire. » Cependant, l’obsession des intellectuels blancs avec les « -ismes » et leur tendance à trop conceptualiser et à placer les gens dans des catégories statistiques se traduit par l’exclusion de beaucoup d’anarchistes, seulement parce qu’ils ne se qualifient pas de la sorte et parce qu’ils n’ont tout simplement pas le style anarchiste occidental.

Les non-étiquettés

Les femmes que j’ai rencontrées le 15 juillet lors de la manifestation à Beer-Sheva, illustraient parfaitement cette situation. La manifestation s’inscrivait dans la grève nationale palestinienne contre le Plan Prawer – projet de loi de développement de la Knesset envisageant le déplacement forcé de plus de 40 000 Bédouins arabes hors de leurs terres ancestrales dans le désert du Néguev, au sud d’Israël, la confiscation de 800 000 dunams et la démolition de 35 villages palestiniens, soit disant « non reconnus ». Les femmes de la région avaient conduit la manifestation de leurs chants, avaient bloqué les routes et étaient restées, héroïquement, sur leur position contre l’occupation des militaires israéliens et de l’Unité Spéciale de Police – qui les rouaient de coups avec leurs matraques. Une photo emblématique, celle du sourire digne de Rouya Hzayel, âgée de 15 ans, lors de son arrestation, incarne l’attitude de défi des femmes palestiniennes. À la première attaque menée par la police d’occupation israélienne, les manifestants se sont regroupés pour reprendre les slogans militants menés par les femmes. Dans un élan viriliste, les « leaders » politiques patriarcaux, ceux-là même qui dirigent toutes les protestations dans les territoires occupés, ont essayé de disperser la manifestation afin d’éviter toute confrontation avec la police israélienne. Mais une fois encore, ce sont les bédouines, refusant de se taire et de rentrer chez elles, qui ont persisté à crier pour maintenir la manifestation jusqu’à la libération de tous les détenus. Enfin, alors que la protestation s’éteignait dans l’effervescence de la solidarité féministe, une palestinienne âgée, originaire de Al-Araqib, village bédouin démoli 53 fois lors des trois dernières années par l’occupation israélienne, s’écria : « Lorsqu’ils démolissent nos maisons, nous faisons du cimetière du village notre propre maison. Ils menacent de le détruire aussi, et bien, nous creuserons des tombes de nos propres mains et nous nous installerons à l’intérieur. Nous protégerons nos têtes et les tombes le reste ».

À l’occasion de cette manifestation les femmes du Néguev ont défié l’autorité coloniale de l’État occupant et l’hégémonie patriarcale locale. Elles ont tourné en ridicule les stéréotypes orientalistes – qui représentent les bédouines comme étant sans-voix et incapables de se mobiliser – et ont démontré qu’elles étaient libres de faire ce que bon leur semble. Une grande majorité de ces femmes n’ont sûrement ni jamais entendu parler d’Emma Goldman ni jamais lu les pamphlets de Pierre Kropotkine – certaines ne parlent même pas anglais. Pourtant, même si elles incarnent absolument la signification essentielle de l’anti-autoritarisme, ces femmes et d’autres figures similaires seront exclues du discours anarchiste dominant, parce qu’elles ne rentrent pas dans la définition étroite et complexe, dans les termes et les styles de vie occidentaux.

Et les handicapés…

Un autre groupe, entièrement marginalisé par nombre de cercles anarchistes, est celui des handicapés physiques – qui ne sont pas en mesure de jeter des cocktails molotov, de former des Black Blocs, de mener une vie d’anarchiste ou de s’écarter de la civilisation parce que dépendants dans leur vie de tous les jours des technologies modernes. Cela ne signifie pas qu’ils ne peuvent pas être anti-autoritaires comme n’importe quelle autre personne en bonne santé, mais qu’ils ont des circonstances aggravantes et des besoins qu’il faut respecter et intégrer dans le mouvement anarchiste. Ils sont en mesure d’organiser des actions directes, des sit-ins, de mener des résistances passives et de faire de leur handicap une force et un avantage pour le groupe en entier. Ils ne devraient pas être marginalisés et traités avec condescendance. Et plutôt que de les renvoyer chez eux ou de les rejeter, leurs camarades devraient faire un effort supplémentaire pour leur faire, quand c’est possible, une place lors des manifestations. Les handicapés physiques sont généralement exclus des mouvements anarchistes et ne se sentent ni bien accueillis ni acceptés. Pourtant, pour que l’anarchisme soit vraiment unitaire et hétérogène, il doit adopter et intégrer en son sein des gens de couleur, des handicapés, des pauvres, des rebelles non-affiliés et tous ceux qui ne rentrent pas nécessairement dans la définition toute faite de l’anarchisme occidental, tel que le démontre l’exemple du Négeuv.

Anarchistes contre le Mur

Largement honoré et encensé en tant que groupe d’extrême gauche israélien le plus radical et le plus révolutionnaire, Anarchistes contre le Mur (ACM) est un parfait exemple des échecs et des travers de « l’anarchisme blanc ». Nous pourrions lutter côte-à-côte puisque les membres de l’ACM sont anti-sionistes, pour le retour des réfugiés palestiniens et pour un pays démocratique dans la Palestine historique, mais la majorité d’entre eux n’assume pas la critique de la réalité de leurs privilèges coloniaux de Blancs. Le but de la critique n’est ni de déprécier ni de mésestimer le travail accompli, ni encore moins de remettre en question leur courage moral ou leur résistance, mais d’éclairer les échecs et les travers au sein des groupes radicaux blancs de gauche. Cette critique du ACM est double : (a) au niveau institutionnel et (b) en questionnant la participation du groupe à la manifestation dans la Cisjordanie occupée.

Anarchistes contre le Mur est une organisation largement composée d’Israéliens ashkénazes blancs, bourgeois et éduqués, issus du cocon de Tel Aviv : un club VIP sectaire qui n’applique pas la démocratie directe. Beaucoup d’activistes mobilisés aux côtés de l’organisation ont dénoncé la prise de décision réservée à un nombre restreint de vétérans élus. Ils ont, certes, toujours souligné avoir conscience de leur privilèges, mais n’ont jamais reconnu qu’ils leurs étaient essentiels dans la vie de tous les jours et qu’ils leur permettaient un choix de mouvement beaucoup plus large. Par exemple, prendre la route depuis la rue 433 de Tel Aviv pour aller protester en Cisjordanie n’a rien d’un acte révolutionnaire en soi, pas plus qu’il n’est un défi aux privilèges israéliens. Faire le retour de Ramallah à Jérusalem à travers les checkpoints de Hizmeh, réservés aux citoyens israéliens, n’est pas plus révolutionnaire que d’aller manifester en Cisjordanie, pour se guérir du complexe du libérateur blanc, en ayant « conscience de ses privilèges ». Participer tous les vendredis aux manifestations libérales et « cool » de Nabi Saleh pour passer la journée entière à parler hébreu, près de la station-service sous les nuages de gaz lacrymogène, apparaît comme contre-productif.

Les anarchistes israéliens voient leur présence comme un acte charitable pour les villageois et une faveur pour la manifestation, comme si leur peau blanche et leur carte d’identité israéliennes étaient des attributs suprêmes en elles-mêmes. Mais même cela est faux. La plus grande manifestation hebdomadaire en Cisjordanie est Kafr Qaddoum, où ils ne sont que cinq à participer. L’affirmation, selon laquelle la présence des anarchistes israéliens protège les Palestiniens locaux lors de protestations, est absurde, puisque ce sont toujours les Palestiniens qui sont en première ligne et que leur présence ne change en rien la violence des forces de l’occupation. Grâce à leur citoyenneté, les anarchistes israéliens sont, à l’inverse des Palestiniens, privilégiés par la loi, même lorsqu’ils sont arrêtés ou blessés, ce qui fait de la mantra de la « co-résistance » une totale farce. Ainsi lorsque la journée s’achève après avoir esquivés quelques balles, aspirés du gaz lacrymogène et des sprays de skunk, pris quelques photos du drame, les anarchistes israéliens rentrent, par des routes réservées aux Juifs, passer une bonne soirée dans les bars de leur colonie de Tel Aviv. Tandis que les villageois palestiniens avec lesquels ils « co-résistent » tous les vendredis restent sous la menace imminente des raids de nuit et la contre-attaque des soldats de l’occupation israélienne.

Les anarchistes israéliens doivent prendre en considération le fait que leur participation aux manifestations en Cisjordanie ne menace en rien le système. S’ils rejetaient vraiment leurs privilèges cela impliquerait de se soumettre à la vie et la mort à la lutte des colonisés. Cela impliquerait que leurs actions les rendent indiscernables des villageois palestiniens avec lesquels ils « co-résistent ».

Pour cela, ils doivent abandonner leurs privilèges au sein de leur communauté. Et avant de participer à des manifestations en Cisjordanie, ils devraient en premier lieu reconnaître et travailler à démonter le système privilégié de leurs lieux de vie, s’attacher à apporter des changements au sein de leur communauté, mener des luttes longues et invisibles, celles qui ne sont pas diffusées sur YouTube, et se débarrasser du « fardeau de l’homme blanc ». Les Palestiniens le portent très bien sans leur aide. En attendant, ils font partie du système qui oppresse, colonise et asphyxie les Palestiniens. Et cette situation n’est pas prête d’évoluer car leur mode de vie dépend de ce même système.

The colour brown: de-colonising anarchism and challenging white hegemony

A French translation of this article here, thanks for Dyhia Tadmut

The appearance of the Egyptian Black Bloc in Cairo’s streets in January 2013 triggered gullible excitement in Western anarchist circles. Little thought was given to the Egyptian Black Bloc’s political vision – or lack thereof – tactics, or social and economic positions. For most Western anarchists, it was enough that they looked and dressed like anarchists to warrant uncritical admiration. Facebook pages of Israeli anarchists were swamped with pictures of Egyptian Black Bloc activists; skimming through the US anarchist blogosphere during that period would have given one the impression that the Black Bloc was Egypt’s first-ever encounter with anarchism and anti-authoritarianism. But as American writer Joshua Stephens notes, the jubilant reaction many Western anarchists have towards the Black Bloc raises unflattering questions concerning their obsession with form and representation, rather than content and actions. And in this regard, these anarchists are not different from the Islamists who were quick to denounce the Black Bloc as blasphemous and infidel merely because they looked like Westerners. Further, many Western anarchist reactions to the Black Bloc unmask an entrenched orientalist tendency. Their disregard of Egypt and the Middle East’s rich history of anarchism is one manifestation of this. As Egyptian anarchist, Yasser Abdullah illustrates, anarchism in Egypt dates back to the 1870’s in response to the inauguration of the Suez Canal; Italian anarchists in Alexandria took part in the First International, published an anarchist journal in 1877, and took part in the Orabi revolution of 1881; Greek and Italian anarchists also organised strikes and protests with Egyptian workers. Yet these struggles are nonchalantly shunned by those who act today as if the Black Bloc is the first truly radical group to grace Egyptian soil.

This article argues that the shallow reception of the Black Bloc is but one example of how “white anarchism” has yet to break away from orientalist prejudices that plague the Western left more generally. I will demonstrate here that this failure can be attributed to the fact that anarchism has not gone through the complete process of decolonisation. I begin by showing that colonial attitudes made the Republicans of the Spanish Revolution neglect Spanish colonialism in North Africa, leading them to focus solely on fighting fascism at home. That the Spanish Revolution continues to serve as an important reference for today’s anarchist movements, it is not surprising that similar colonial attitudes lead today’s movements to write-off centuries of anti-authoritarian struggle in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Such an incomplete process of decolonisation also means that many Western anarchist movements and the dominant anarchist discourse remain overwhelmingly white and exclude people of colour. I will also show that, not only does “white anarchism” tend to ostracise people of colour, its emphasis on image and style leads to the marginalisation of people with disabilities and those who do not necessarily self-identify as anarchists despite being vehemently anti-authoritarian. Lastly, the article takes “Anarchists Against the Wall” as a specific example of the various flaws inflicting white anarchism, namely, exclusivity, elitism and the failure to challenge white-colonial privileges adequately.

A Look back at the Spanish revolution

Despite its eventual defeat, anarchists consider the Spanish revolution as an inspiring model for anarcho-syndicalism and non-hierarchal self-governance against all odds; it was a vastly asymmetrical war against a massive military machine that was supported and armed to the teeth by fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Nonetheless, no anarchist model, figure, or landmark is sacred relative to criticism (a virtue distinguishing anarchism from much of the traditional Left). While it is an inspiring model, the Spanish revolution was far from a utopia, afflicted by many flaws and shortcomings. Although it is necessary to recognise these flaws – including the gross human rights violations committed by the Republicans, the forced alliance with the bourgeoisie and the Stalinists, the futile infightings, and other tactical mistakes – to do so here is beyond the scope of this article. Revolutionaries often do not have the luxury of choosing their allies. Left with no other choice, they are many times forced to accept the support of powers they ideologically oppose. But while recognising that one cannot expect a revolution to be entirely pure, it by no means condones mass executions and the clamp-down on religious freedoms. The one strategic and moral “mistake” that I wish to focus on here is how the issue of Spanish colonialism in Morocco and Western Sahara went completely and utterly swept under the blazing flames of revolution back home.

Exceedingly Immersed in their fight against fascism and tyranny in Spain, the revolutionaries ignored Spain’s colonialism, fascism and tyranny across the Mediterranean. The level of dehumanisation toward the “Other” was so high that, according to most pro-revolution narratives, the only role colonised Moroccans were given to play was one of mercenaries brought in by General Franco to crush the Popular Front. Much pro-revolution sentiment would go as far as referring to Moroccans in a racist manner. While it is difficult to argue that mutual solidarity between Spanish revolutionaries and colonised Moroccans could have changed the outcome of the War, it is also difficult to know whether this kind of solidarity was ever feasible in the first place. As the late American historian Howard Zinn puts it: “In the short run (and so far, human history has consisted only of short runs), the victims, themselves desperate and tainted with the culture that oppresses them, turn on other victims.” On the other hand, anarchism, in its essence, means rejecting and fighting against any form of authority and subjugation, including colonialism and occupation. To be truly anti-authoritarian, therefore, any struggle against fascism and dictatorship at home should be internationalist and cannot be separated from the struggle against fascism and tyranny abroad, in its role as a colonial power.

Returning to the Spanish revolution is fitting as we mark its 77th anniversary, because it seems that many anarchists have yet to internalise one of its key lessons. Exceptions notwithstanding, Western anarchist movements continue to be overwhelmingly white, unwittingly (or perhaps knowingly) orientalist, West-centric, even elitist, and unwelcoming of people who do not look like them. Thus, anti-authoritarian struggles in the Middle East, Africa and Asia are usually glossed over. It should be made clear, however, that anarchists of colour undoubtedly bear a large chunk of the responsibility for their relative lack of documentation. Maia Ramnath’s excellent book Decolonizing Anarchism: An Antiauthoritarian History of India’s Liberation Struggle and Ilham Khury Makdissi’s The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860-1914, are among few attempts to offer an alternative history of anti-authoritarianism in regions that get little attention.

Not a label

These books provide evidence that anti-authoritarian struggles in developing countries have existed long before the Black Bloc took to the streets of Egypt. Anarchism is not a label, a brand or a trademark, and turning it into a fashion statement does, perhaps, unrivalled damage to the movement. Anarchism is the unshakable belief, as Alexander Berkman writes, that “you should be free; that no one should enslave you, boss you, rob you, or impose upon you. It means you should be free to do the things you want to do; and that you should not be compelled to do what you do not want to do.” However, the white intellectual obsession with “-isms” and the tendency to over-conceptualise and place people under static categories translates into the exclusion of many anarchists simply because they do not label themselves as such or they do not “look” anarchist.

The Un-labeled

rouyaThis is perfectly embodied by the women I met in the July 15 protest in Beer es-Sab‘. The protest was part of the Palestinian national strike against the Prawer ethnic cleansing plan, a bill proposed by the Israeli Knesset that is set to displace 30,000-40,000 Palestinian-Bedouin natives in the Naqab desert; confiscate 800,000 dunnams of their land; and demolish 35 so-called “unrecognised” Palestinian villages under the guise of “development.” Local women led the protest with their chants, blocked the road, and heroically stood their ground against Israeli occupation cops and Special Unit Police, who beat them and attacked them with batons. Fifteen year-old Rouya Hzayel smiled with great dignity when she was arrested in an iconic image that captured the defiance of Palestinian women. Following the initial attack by Israeli occupation police against the protest, demonstrators regrouped and resumed chanting militant slogans under female leadership. Patriarchal political “leaders” with masculine energy, those who typically dictate all protests in occupied Palestine, tried to disperse the protest to avoid further clashes with the Israeli police. But again, it was the Palestinian-Bedouin women who refused to go home or be silenced, shouting that the protest must go on until all detainees are released. Towards the end of the protest, which was rather small albeit crackling with feminist energy, an elderly Palestinian woman from Al-Araqib, a Palestinian-Bedouin village demolished 53 times in the last three years by the Israeli occupation, said: “When they demolish our homes, we turn the village’s graveyard into a home. They threaten to destroy it as well. Even if they do, we will dig graves in our own hands and live in them. We’ll protect our dead and they’ll protect us.”

In that one protest, the women of the occupied Naqab defied the colonial authority of the occupying State and the local patriarchal hegemony. They made a mockery of the orientalist stereotypes that deem Bedouin women voiceless and lacking agency. They insisted that they were free and not compelled to do what they did not want to do. Most of these women may have never heard of Emma Goldman or read Peter Kropotkin’s pamphlets; some of them can’t speak English. Yet they personified all that anti-authoritarianism essentially stands for. Nonetheless, these women and many more like them, will be excluded from the dominant Western anarchist discourse because they do not fit within the narrow and complex definitions, labels, and lifestyle.

Where are the disabled?

Another group typically marginalised in many anarchist circles are persons with disabilities. Persons with a physical disability may not be able to throw Molotov cocktails or form Black Blocs. They may not be able to lead an “anarchist” lifestyle or discard civilisation because their functioning lives heavily rely on modern technology. That does not mean they cannot be anti-authoritarian like any other able-bodied person. It means that they have particular circumstances and needs that must be respected and integrated within the movement. They can organise direct actions, participate in sit-ins, lead civil disobedience, and turn their disability into an attribute and an advantage for the entire group. They should not be patronised or marginalised. Instead of telling them to go home or remain at the back, their comrades should put forth an effort to make the protest space accessible for them when possible. People with physical disabilities are usually excluded from anarchist movements or don’t feel welcome and embraced. But for anarchism to be truly inclusive and heterogeneous, it must integrate and embrace all: people of colour, people with disability, the poor, the unaffiliated rebels, and those who do not necessarily fit within the readily-accepted Western definitions of anarchism, as we learned with the example in the Naqab above.

Anarchists against the wall

Widely praised and acclaimed as the most radical and revolutionary Israeli leftist group, Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW) perfectly exemplifies many of the aforementioned failures and shortcomings of “white anarchism.” We may stand on the same side politically, since members of AATW oppose Zionism, support the right of return for Palestinian refugees, and believe in one democratic country in Historic Palestine. However, most of them have not critically come to terms with the reality of their white colonial privileges. This critique does not aim to evaluate or underestimate the group’s work rate or commitment, nor does it question their moral courage and stamina. Rather, it aims to shed light on failures and shortcomings shared by most radical leftist white groups. This critique of AATW is twofold: (1) on an institutional level and (2) in questioning the group’s participation in protests in the occupied West Bank.

Anarchists Against the Wall is a group strongly dominated by white, bourgeois, educated, and privileged Ashkinazi Israelis from the Tel Aviv bubble. It is a closed VIP club that does not apply direct democracy. Several activists who worked closely with the group complained that decisions are taken by a select few veteran members. They always emphasise that they “check their privileges” but they do not recognise that their privileges permeate their daily lives, allowing for them broader choices from how to move to where they live. For instance, taking the apartheid, settler-only 433 Road from Tel Aviv en route to a protest in the West Bank is neither revolutionary, nor does it defy the Israeli privilege. Going back from Ramallah to Jerusalem through the Hizmeh checkpoint, a special checkpoint for people with Israeli citizenship, is not revolutionary either. Travelling to protests in the West Bank to soothe their white saviour complex does not quite mix with “checking your privilege.” Going every Friday to the “cool” and liberal protests of Nabi Saleh and spending most of the day chatting in Hebrew near the gas station under clouds of tear gas seems counter-productive.

Israeli anarchists believe that their very presence is charitable to the villages and benefits the protest, as if their white skins and Israeli IDs are crowning attributes in and of themselves. But even this is not really true. The village with the largest protest turnout in the West Bank is Kafr Qaddoum, and barely five Israeli activists attend its weekly protests. The claim that the presence of Israeli anarchists protects local Palestinian demonstrators is also preposterous as Palestinians are the ones who are always on the front lines, and the presence of Israeli activists does not make Israeli occupation forces any less violent. Thanks to their citizenship, Israeli anarchists are privileged over Palestinians by law, even when arrested or when injured which means that the whole “co-resistance” mantra is a farce. At the end of the day, and after dodging few bullets, smelling tear-gas and skunk spray and taking some dramatic pictures, Israeli anarchists go back to the colony of Tel Aviv, at times through Jewish-only roads, they get to spend a good night out in a bar. Meanwhile, Palestinian villagers with whom they “co-resist” every Friday are always under the looming threat of night raids and retaliation by Israeli occupation soldiers.

Israeli anarchists need to understand that taking part in protests in the West Bank in their current form does not threaten the system. Truly rejecting their privileges would entail subjecting themselves to the life and death of the colonised. That is, it would entail actions on their part that would make the coloniser incapable of differentiating between them and Palestinian villagers with whom they “co-resist.”

Moreover, it would also entail dismantling their privilege within their own communities. Even before attending any protest in the West Bank, they should first recognise and work to dismantle the system of privilege where they live; strive to make change in their own communities; fight the long and invisible battles that do not get filmed on YouTube; and get rid of their White Man’s Burden. Palestinians are better off without it. Until then, they will remain part and parcel of the system that oppresses, colonises and suffocates Palestinians. The will remain so because their lives as they live them continue to depend on that very system.

Palestina: La gabbia delle donne, tra Occupazione e patriarcato

Italian version of my article about Palestinian women
by Stefano Nanni

Nei Territori Occupati e in Israele aumentano i casi di violenza contro le donne palestinesi. La blogger Budour Hassan dipinge un quadro allarmante: “Finché saremo costrette a mettere da parte le rivendicazioni di genere continueremo ad essere uccise nell’impunità, semplicemente per il fatto di essere donne”.

In una calda e splendente domenica mattina, il piccolo Saqer, 3 anni, era tra le braccia di sua madre quando è stata ripetutamente colpita da proiettili alla testa e al petto.

Tremante, scompigliato e macchiato di sangue, Saqer si è trascinato fino alla casa di un vicino, senza riuscire a pronunciare una parola.

Sua madre, Mona Mahajneh, era appena stata freddata di fronte ai suoi occhi; al momento l’unico sospettato è il fratello di lei, la cui detenzione è stata prolungata per permettere alle indagini di proseguire nella ricerca dell’assassino.

Mahajneh, 30 anni, madre di tre figli e originaria di Umm al-Fahm, nel triangolo Nord  (area del distretto di Haifa abitata in prevalenza da arabi israeliani, ndt), è l’ultima martire palestinese della violenza domestica nei Territori occupati dalle milizie sioniste nel 1948 (a cui in seguito mi riferirò con la formula ‘all’interno della Linea Verde’, il confine di Israele riconosciuto a livello internazionale in seguito all’armistizio).

Aveva provato a rifarsi una vita dopo il divorzio nonostante si fosse separata da due dei suoi figli.

Ma in una società patriarcale in cui le donne divorziate vengono spesso disumanizzate e trattate come piaghe sociali, Mona ha pagato con la vita il prezzo della libertà e dell’indipendenza che aveva scelto.


Per ironia della sorte, Mona è stata uccisa soltanto due giorni dopo l’organizzazione di una protesta contro il cosiddetto “delitto d’onore”.

Il 26 aprile scorso il Committee Against Women Killings (Comitato contro l’uccisione delle donne), una coalizione di 20 gruppi femministi palestinesi, ha organizzato due manifestazioni separate.

Chiamate “le processioni della vita”, le proteste chiedevano che si ponesse fine al fenomeno dei crimini “d’onore”. 

Due cortei di automobili si sono riuniti in una manifestazione congiunta a Kafr Qare’, nei pressi di Umm al-Fahm. Hanno attraversato tanti villaggi, da nord a sud, mandando un messaggio esplicito contro la violenza di genere in tutta la Palestina.

Dalle macchine sono stati esposti cartelli con i nomi delle donne uccise da membri delle loro stesse famiglie, così come manifesti e scritte: “Non c’è alcun onore nei delitti d’onore” ed “è stata uccisa perché donna“.

La grande partecipazione e l’impressionante attenzione mediatica che hanno ricevuto le proteste, tuttavia, non sono riuscite ad evitare l’assassinio di Mona.

Non è la prima volta che una donna palestinese viene uccisa subito dopo una protesta contro la violenza di genere.

Lo scorso 10 marzo Alaa Shami, 21 anni, è stata assassinata da una pugnalata infertale dal fratello nella città di Ibilline, a nord, soltanto due giorni dopo la Giornata Internazionale della Donna.

Il 7 febbraio 2010 Bassel Sallam ha sparato contro sua moglie, Hala Faysal, e l’ha lasciata esangue sul letto. Soltanto qualche ora prima il padre di lui, Ali Sallam, vice-sindaco di Nazareth, aveva partecipato a una dimostrazione contro la violenza sulle donne, facendo un importante discorso di denuncia.


Sei donne palestinesi che sono state uccise all’interno della Linea Verde nel corso del 2013, due in più rispetto al 2012.

Le statistiche fornite dall’organizzazione di Nazareth “Women Against Violence” mostrano un quadro ancor più preoccupante: da quando Israele ha ratificato la Convenzione sull’eliminazione di tutte le forme di discriminazione contro le donne (CEDAW) nel 1991, 162 palestinesi sono state uccise dai loro mariti o da altri membri della famiglia.

Dal 1986, 35 donne sono morte in questo modo soltanto nei villaggi di al-Lydd e Ramleh. I numeri di “Women Against Violence” dimostrano anche che la maggior parte delle donne uccise In Israele sono palestinesi.

Nel 2011, ad esempio, su 14 vittime, 9 erano palestinesi. Nel 2010 la relazione era 10 su 15; l’anno precedente 9 su 11 e contemporaneamente nella Striscia di Gaza e in Cisgiordania venivano ammazzate 13 donne palestinesi.

E’ difficile ottenere  dati precisi riguardo gli omicidi di genere nei Territori Occupati, dal momento che non tutti i casi sono riportati dai media. Ma la situazione non è certo meno allarmante che in Israele.


Una recente e importante iniziativa contro la violenza sulle donne e in particolare contro il “delitto d’onore” è rappresentata dal video musicale “If I could go back in time” (“Se potessi tornare indietro”), pubblicato nel novembre 2012 dal gruppo hip hop palestinese DAM.

Il video, co-diretto da Jackie Salloum e finanziato dall’agenzia delle Nazioni Unite UN Women, ha registrato più di 200 mila visualizzazioni e ricevuto un feedback positivo non solo in Palestina.

Eppure ha un aspetto negativo non indifferente, dal momento che ritrae la violenza contro le donne come depoliticizzata e, invece di approfondire la questione, la riduce a un dramma meramente populista.

Come hanno scritto Lila Abu Lughod e Maya Mikdashi “il video opera all’interno di un vuoto politico, giuridico e storico totale”.

Quando si parla di violenza contro le donne in Medio Oriente in generale, e in Palestina in particolare, ci sono due paradigmi dominanti e completamente opposti.

Il primo considera la violenza come prodotto di una tradizione e di una società arretrate e intrinsecamente misogine, scegliendo di concentrarsi esclusivamente sulla categoria dei “delitti d’onore”, come se questi rappresentassero l’unica forma di violenza domestica a cui le donne sono sottoposte.

L’altro, per contro, ritiene responsabile il colonialismo israeliano e la sua discriminazione istituzionalizzata, sostenendo che non ci si possa aspettare che le donne siano libere fintanto che la Palestina sarà sotto occupazione.

Entrambi i paradigmi sono ovviamente troppo semplicistici e non rappresentativi di una realtà ben più complessa. Tutti e due infatti evitano di rispondere a domande difficili, e ignorano la realtà politica che le donne palestinesi affrontano nella vita di tutti i giorni.

Bloccati tra l’incudine e il martello, i movimenti femministi arabi borghesi – tra cui quello cisgiordano –  si sono dati la zappa sui piedi scegliendo di allearsi con regimi tirannici al fine di promuovere i diritti sociali delle donne attraverso il processo legislativo.

Stando al fianco delle autorità e all’interno delle strutture di potere, hanno agito da copertura per le cosiddette dittature “laiche”.

Inoltre, optando per una lotta “femminista” elitaria e apolitica, le femministe borghesi hanno ignorato che il vero cambiamento sociale non può essere realizzato in assenza di libertà politica, né può essere raggiunto prostrandosi ai piedi di un sistema repressivo.

Femminismo non significa soltanto lotta per la parità di genere, ma scuotere le dinamiche egemoniche di potere e di dominio. 

La subordinazione di genere è un fattore fondamentale in questa matrice di potere, ma si interseca con l’oppressione politica e lo sfruttamento sulla base di parametri come classe, religione, etnia, abilità fisica e aspetti connessi all’identità personale.

Nonostante i suoi tanti problemi e le sue carenze strutturali, il movimento femminista all’interno della Linea Verde ha avuto tuttavia il merito di comprendere subito che la sfera personale non può essere separata da quella politica, proprio perché lo Stato israeliano ha un ruolo attivo nell’emarginare le donne palestinesi rafforzando gli elementi patriarcali locali (come i capi clan e i tribunali religiosi) che opprimono le donne.

La maggior parte delle femministe palestinesi non si sono mai illuse sul fatto che l’avanzamento dei diritti di genere arrivare dalla Knesset, il Parlamento sionista.


E’ ingenuo credere che la polizia – un organo dello Stato violento, militarista e intrinsecamente patriarcale – si possa realmente impegnare nella lotta contro la violenza sulle donne.

Ed è ancora più ingenuo pensare che la polizia israeliana – uno strumento di applicazione di un sistema legislativo che favorisce l’Occupazione – possa decidere di abolire la violenza contro le donne palestinesi senza essere sottoposta a forti pressioni. 

Le storie di donne palestinesi che si sono rivolte alla polizia israeliana in seguito a minacce e violenze subite da parte dei loro familiari, per essere respinte e poi, successivamente, uccise, sono troppe da raccontare.

Qualche mese fa, a Rahat, la più grande città palestinese nel Naqab, una giovane donna si è recata all’ufficio dei servizi sociali e, secondo quanto è stato riferito, ha informato gli agenti sul fatto che temeva per la sua vita.

La polizia le ha detto di tornare a casa, assicurandole che sarebbe stata al sicuro. Quasi 24 ore dopo, è stata ritrovata morta.

L’ultimo incidente è avvenuto il 21 maggio 2013. Due bambine, di tre e cinque anni, sono state strangolate a morte nella loro casa di Fura’a, un villaggio palestinese non riconosciuto nel Naqab.

Eppure la loro madre aveva raggiunto la stazione di polizia più vicina, nei pressi della colonia ebraica di Arad, e aveva denunciato il fatto che suo marito le avesse già minacciate di morte. La sua richiesta di aiuto però è stata ignorata.

Questi terribili eventi mostrano chiaramente la perfetta unione tra lo Stato – una entità di per sé maschilista – e gli elementi patriarcali conservatori della comunità in cui viviamo.

La polizia israeliana tratta la violenza domestica che si manifesta all’interno della minoranza palestinese come un “affare privato”, la cui risoluzione deve essere lasciata nelle mani del clan e dei suoi leader.

E’ molto più comodo per le forze dell’ordine collegare la violenza domestica contro le donne palestinesi alle questioni di “onore” e, quindi, esimersi dalla responsabilità di intervenire con il pretesto del rispetto della “sensibilità culturale”.

Un pretesto che serve a Israele per giustificare la mancanza del rispetto dei diritti delle donne, e che nasce dalla presunzione razzista che l’abuso e l’oppressione di genere siano intrinsecamente legati alla cultura e alla tradizione palestinese. 

Quando, in realtà, deriva dal doppio standard che Israele adotta nel rispettare e proteggere le diversità culturali.

Da una parte infatti afferma di rispettare il principio del multiculturalismo per rinforzare e sostenere l’oppressione delle donne. Dall’altra, mostra poco rispetto per questo stesso principio quando si tratta del riconoscimento dei diritti delle minoranze.

Lo status dell’arabo come lingua ufficiale è solo inchiostro su carta; la cultura, la storia, la narrativa, la letteratura e la politica palestinesi sono volutamente assenti nei programmi scolastici israeliani.  E la memoria collettiva si forma a partire dai costanti tentativi di “israelianizzazione”.

Il comportamento della stessa polizia israeliana è emblematico: elude il suo dovere di proteggere le donne dalla violenza domestica perché è un affare di “famiglia”, ma non ha la preoccupazione degli “affari di famiglia palestinesi” quando le sue forze demoliscono regolarmente case e costringono intere famiglie nel Naqab al trasferimento forzato.

Ad essere disperatamente assente in questo contesto non è solo la protezione, ma soprattutto la responsabilità.

La maggior parte dei casi di violenza contro le donne vengono chiusi per mancanza di prove o per scarso interesse pubblico. Anche se Israele, a differenza di molti Stati arabi, non ha nel proprio Codice penale provvedimenti che mitighino la punizione per i cosiddetti “delitti d’onore”, le organizzazioni per i diritti delle donne hanno ripetutamente accusato la polizia di non fare abbastanza per identificare i colpevoli di omicidio e renderli responsabili delle loro azioni.

Alcuni dei peggiori casi di violenza contro le donne si verificano in Lydd, Ramleh e nel Naqab. Quei luoghi vantano, tra l’altro, alcuni dei più alti tassi di povertà e disoccupazione, e al tempo stesso sono sottoposti ad una precisa politica israeliana di estrema discriminazione, negazione dei diritti e dei servizi di base, e di continue minacce di sfratto e di demolizione delle case.

A ciò bisogna aggiungere l’inaccessibilità del sistema giudiziario israeliano per le donne palestinesi, considerate non-privilegiate, e la riprovazione sociale che devono affrontare se decidono di rivolgersi alla polizia accusando i loro stessi familiari. 

Non deve sorprendere, quindi, che le donne palestinesi non ripongano alcuna fiducia nei confronti di quello Stato che dovrebbe proteggerle.


L’origine di questa situazione è l’enorme differenza che intercorre tra la copertura mediatica di un uccisione di un uomo e quella di un caso analogo nei confronti di una donna: la prima è spesso definita come una “tragedia”, mentre la seconda viene considerata un “incidente ambiguo”.

Quando ai politici, ai leader religiosi e alle figure pubbliche palestinesi viene chiesta una presa di posizione contro la violenza di genere, per prima cosa accusano la polizia, per poi ribadire che la violenza contro le donne è parte integrante della crescente violenza generale all’interno della comunità palestinese.

Difficilmente passa un giorno senza la notizia di una sparatoria o di incidenti che coinvolgono uomini palestinesi in diverse città.

La violenza è così pervasiva che lo scorso 7 maggio circa 10 mila manifestanti hanno riempito le strade di Haifa – una delle più grandi manifestazioni nella storia della città -, semplicemente per dire ‘basta’.

Chi confonde la violenza di genere con la violenza generale ignora la realtà: le donne vengono assassinate semplicemente per il fatto di essere donne.

E, soprattutto, vengono uccise in luoghi e da persone che dovrebbero essere più sicuri e in più stretta intimità con loro.

Esprimere condanne e chiedere il rispetto dei diritti delle donne subito dopo che una di loro viene uccisa per poi dimenticarla completamente due giorni dopo, ormai è di moda. Si attende soltanto il prossimo omicidio.

Definire gli omicidi di genere come manifestazione del patriarcato è appena un eufemismo. Il problema di fondo, di cui si parla poco, è molto più radicato.

La condanna retorica e ‘stagionale’ da parte di coloro che promuovono – o tacciono – su forme meno evidenti di patriarcato aiuta a spiegare il fallimento della società nel suo insieme nel prendere una posizione ferma sui crimini contro le donne, per non parlare di prevenirli (…).

Misoginia e patriarcato non sono in alcun modo un’esclusiva dei palestinesi, soprattutto dei religiosi e dei conservatori.

Molti attivisti e politici di sinistra non esitano ad usare un linguaggio sessista, a dare implicite giustificazioni alle molestie sessuali, o a pretendere che la lotta per i diritti di genere non sia una priorità fintanto che saremo sottoposti all’Occupazione israeliana.

Come potremmo mai essere libere, in quanto donne e palestinesi, quando i leader della resistenza popolare sono coinvolti in atti di molestia sessuale e tutto questo viene messo a tacere?

Finché le donne palestinesi saranno costrette a tenere le loro richieste di liberazione di genere ai margini, e finché non sarà una grande parte della popolazione ad ammettere che le donne sono strutturalmente oppresse, noi continueremo ad essere uccise nell’impunità sociale e legale.

Un primo passo verso la sfida del lessico egemonico patriarcale locale e coloniale sarebbe smettere di usare il termine “delitti d’onore”, anche con le virgolette. Il suo uso legittima il concetto e fornisce il falso pretesto che sia “l’onore” il vero movente del delitto, quando in realtà è solo un modo per privare le donne di autonomia e dignità.

Il secondo passo è quello di parlare: silenzio vuol dire complicità. 

Spazzare le verità scomode sotto il tappeto non servirà a nasconderle, ma solo a rendere la loro forza più brutale e intensificare il ciclo di violenza che ha letteralmente distrutto la vita di un gran numero di donne nel tempo.

Il terzo, e più importante, è di non aspettare che sia la polizia a proteggerci. Le donne dovrebbero proteggere se stesse organizzando gruppi di strada per combattere le molestie sessuali.

المرأة الفلسطينية: محاصرة بين الاحتلال والنظام البطريركي


مقالي عن المرأة الفلسطينية مترجماً، شكراً للصديق وليد ضو

بدور حسن

في صباح يوم أحدٍ دافئ كان الطفل صقر البالغ من العمر ثلاث سنوات يجلس في حضن والدته عندما أطلق النار عليها عدة مرات في رأسها وصدرها. عندها انتشرت دماء والدته عليه، وارتجف وتلوى في حضنها، حينها شاهده أحد الجيران يطلب المساعدة، لكنه لم يستطع التعبير عما ألم به. والدة صقر، منى محاجنة، قتلت بدم أمام عينيه، والمتهم الوحيد حتى الآن كان خاله، الذي جرى تمديد فترة احتجازه إلى حين التوسع في التحقيق.

محاجنة، ذات الثلاثين عاما هي والدة لثلاثة أولاد في أم الفحم في المثلث الشمالي لفلسطين المحتلة، وهي آخر ضحية للعنف الأسري الذي تتعرض له الفلسطينيات داخل الأراضي الفلسطينية التي تحتلها العصابات الصهيونية منذ عام 1948. حاولت منى بدء حياة جديدة بعد طلاقها، على الرغم من فصلها عن ولديها الآخرين. ومع ذلك، وفي مجتمع بطريركي، حيث تذل المرأة المطلقة وتعامل كشخص يجلب الويلات والأعباء، دفعت منى حياتها ثمنا لبحثها عن الاستقلالية وحرية الخيار.

المفارقة المأساوية

ومن سخريات القدر، أن منى قتلت بعد يومين فقط على مظاهرة احتجاجية على قتل امرأتين بحجة الدفاع عن “شرف العائلة”. يوم الجمعة 26 نيسان، جالت اللجنة المناهضة لقتل النساء، وهو تحالف يضم 20 مجموعة نسوية، في القرى والمدن الفلسطينية داخل الخط الأخضر عبر مسيرتين منفصلة لمواكب سيارة. وأطلق على المسيرة اسم “مسيرة الحياة”، المظاهرة دعت إلى إنهاء ظاهرة جرائم “الشرف”. والتقت، الأولى انطلقت من النقب في الجنوب والثانية من كفرمندا في الجليل الأسفل، المسيرتان في كفرقرع القريبة من أم الفحم حيث نفذ اعتصام. المسيرة عبرت في القرى الفلسطينية في الشمال والجنوب، مطلقة رسالة قوية ضد العنف في كل أنحاء فلسطين. ورفعت أسماء النساء اللواتي قتلن على أيدي أفراد من عائلاتهن، كما حملن لافتات كتب عليها “لا شرف في جرائم الشرف”، “قتلت لأنها امرأة” على السيارات. الاعجاب الذي لاقته المسيرة بالإضافة إلى اهتمام وسائل الإعلام، لم يمنع جريمة قتل منى.

وهي ليست المرة الأولى التي تقتل فيها امرأة فلسطينية مباشرة بعد مظاهرة للعنف القائم على أساس جندري. في 10 آذار من هذا العام، طعنت علاء الشامي، البالغة من العمر 21 سنة، حتى الموت على يد شقيقهت في مدينة ايبلين، بعد يومين على يوم المرأة العالمي. في 7 شباط من العام 2010، قتل باسل سلام زوجته هلا فيصل مطلقا عليها الرصاص، وتركها مضرجة بدمائها في غرفة نومها. قبل ساعات على الجريمة، كان والده علي سلام نائب رئيس بلدية الناصرة، يشارك في مظاهرة ضد العنف على النساء حيث ألقى خطابا يندد بهذا العنف.

الصدمة النافرة

لقد قتلت ست نساء هذه السنة داخل الخط الأخضر، كما قتلت امرأتين خلال عام 2012. والإحصاءات التي تقدمها المنظمة المناهضة للعنف في الناصرة تظهر صورة أكثر إيلاما: منذ أن صادقت إسرائيل على اتفاقية إزالة كل أنواع التمييز ضد المرأة (السيداو) عام 1991، قتلت 162 امرأة فلسطينية داخل الخط الأخضر على يد أزواجهن أو أفراد آخرين من عائلتهن. منذ عام 1986، قتلت 35 امرأة فلسطينية في مدينتي اللد والرملة لوحدهما. الأرقام التي منظمة “نساء ضد العنف” تظهر أن الأغلبية الساحقة من النساء اللواتي قتلن داخل الخط الأخضر هن فلسطينيات. عام 2011، على سبيل المثال، قتلت 14 امرأة داخل الخط الأخضر. من بين 15 امرأة مقتولة عام 2010، 10 منهن فلسطينيات. ومن بين 11 امرأة مقتولة عام 2009 9 منهن فلسطينيات. وفي السنة نفسها، 13 امرأة فلسطينية قتلت في قطاع غزة والضفة الغربية. يصعب الحصول على أرقام النساء المقتولات في قطاع غزة أو الضفة الغربية، لأنه لا يتم توثيق كل الحالات ووسائل الإعلام غائبة عن تغطية هذه الجرائم، ولكن بأي حال من الأحوال لا يعني ذلك أن الوضع هو أقل سوءا من ذلك داخل الخط الأخضر.

نزع السياسة عن العنف

أطلقت مؤخرا مبادرة رفيعة المستوى استهدفت العنف ضد المرأة وتحدت مفهوم جريمة “الشرف” خلال أغنية “لو أرجع بالزمن”‬ التي أطلقتها في تشرين الثاني من عام 2012 فرقة الهيب هوب “دام” الفلسطينية. فيديو الأغنية الذي أخرجه جاكي سلوم وبتمويل من هيئة الأمم المتحدة للمساواة بين الجنسين وتمكين المرأة، وشاهده أكثر من مئتي ألف مشاهد في فلسطين وخارجها. العيب الرئيسي للفيديو، كان نزعه للسياسة عن العنف ضد النساء وتخلله تعزيز للاختزال وللأفكار الشعبوية. كما كتبت مايا مكداشي وليلى أبو لغد في نقدهما للفيديو، “إن الأمر يتعلق بإفراغ سياسي، وقانوني وتاريخي للعنف من مضمونه”.

عندما يتعلق الأمر بالعنف ضد المرأة في الشرق الأوسط فإنه غالبا، في فلسطين على وجه خاص، ما يثار نموذجان مهيمنان ومعارضان له: الأول يلقي اللوم على العنف باعتباره ناتج عن تقليد متخلف لمجتمع متدين معاد للنساء، وتتم اختيار حصري لنموذج جرائم “الشرف”، كما لو أنه لا يوجد أي شكل آخر للعنف المنزلي قد تتعرض له المرأة. النموذج الآخر، يحمل الاستعمار الإسرائيلي وتمييزه الممنهج المسؤولية، ويدعي أنصار هذا النموذج أن المرأة في فلسطين لا يمكن لها التحرر وفلسطين محتلة. هذان النموذجان يمكن اعتبارهما منطقا تبسيطيا. لأنهما يتجنبان طرح الأسئلة الصعبة ويتجاهل الواقع المتعدد الجوانب للحياة اليومية التي تعيش في ظلها المرأة الفلسطينية.

عالقة بين السندان والمطرقة، الحركات النسوية العربية البرجوازية، ومن بينها المنظمات النسوية في الضفة الغربية التي “تنتحر” من خلال تحالفها مع الأنظمة العربية المستبدة من أجل تعزيز الحقوق عن طريق التشريع. من خلال الوقوف مع السلطات والبنى السلطوية، فأنها تشكل بذلك ورقة التوت للديكتاتوريات التي تدعي “العلمانية”. وعلاوة على ذلك، باختيارها نضالا “نسويا” نخبويا غير سياسي، فإن الحركات النسوية البرجوازية تستبعد أن مسألة التغيير الاجتماعي لا يمكن تحقيقها بغياب الحرية السياسية ولا يمكن أن يتحقق ذلك عن طريق التذلل للأنظمة القمعية. النسوية لا تهدف فقط إلى تحقيق المساواة بين الجنسين، إنما يكمن دورها أيضا في هز ديناميات الهيمنة للسلطة المسيطرة. التبعية بين الجنسين هي أحدى العوامل الأساسية المشكِّلة لهذه السلطة، لكنها تترافق أيضا مع القمع السياسي والاستغلال على أساس طبقي وديني وإثني وجسدي والصفات المتصلة بالهوية الشخصية.

على الرغم من المشاكل البنيوية والقصور، أدركت الحركة النسوية داخل الخط الأخضر، وذلك لإنصافها، منذ البداية أن المسائل الشخصية لا يمكن فصلها عن المسائل السياسية، خاصة لأن إسرائيل تلعب دورا نشطا يزيد من تهميش المرأة الفلسطينية من خلال تعزيز البطريركية المحلية عبر سلطة زعماء العشائر والمحاكم الشرعية التي تقمع النساء. أغلب النسويات الفلسطينيات لم تتوهم بأن حقوق المرأة الفلسطينية يمكن الحصول عليها من الكنيست.

غياب الحماية

من السذاجة الاعتقاد أن جهاز الشرطة، العنيف، العسكري، المؤسسة البطريركية الأساسية للدولة، يمكن له القضاء على العنف ضد المرأة. ومن السذاجة الاعتقاد أن الشرطة الإسرائيلية، الأداة بيد الاحتلال، يمكن لها أن تقضي على العنف ضد المرأة الفلسطينية وهي لا تفعل ذلك إلا بفعل ضغط شديد. وعديدة هي الوقائع التي تشير بأن المرأة التي تلجأ إلى الشرطة الإسرائيلية للإبلاغ عن تصرفات أفراد من عائلاتها- التي تستمع إليها الشرطة الإسرائيلية ومن ثم تقتل على يد أفراد أسرتها- هذه الوقائع لا يمكن عدها ولا حصرها. على سبيل المثال، منذ بضعة أشهر في رهط، أكبر مدينة فلسطينية في النقب، حيث زارت شابة مركزا للخدمات الاجتماعية وأبلغت الشرطة بأنها تخشى على حياتها. الشرطة طلبت منها العودة إلى منزلها حيث ستكون آمنة. بعد 24 ساعة، عثر عليها مقتولة.

الجريمة الأخيرة التي سجلت كانت في 21 أيار 2013: حيث خنقت طفلتين اللواتي تتراوح أعمارهما بين ثلاث وخمس سنوات، حتى الموت في منزلهما في الفرعة، وهي قرية غير معترف بها في النقب. وكانت والدة الطفلتين قد زارت مركزا للشرطة في مستوطنة قريبة مدعية أن الوالد هدد بقتلهما، ولكنهم تجاهلوا ادعاءها. هذه الجرائم المروعة تثبت الارتباط بين الدولة- الكيان البطريركي والذكوري- والعناصر المحلية البطريركية من المجتمع.

الشرطة الإسرائيلية تعتبر أن مسألة العنف المنزلي بين “الأقلية الفلسطينية” “مسألة خاصة” وينبغي أن يترك أمر معالجتها لزعماء العشيرة. ومن المريح للشرطة الإسرائيلية الربط بين العنف المنزلي ضد النساء الفلسطينيات “وشرف العائلة”، وبالتالي تتنصل من مسؤولية التدخل بحجة احترام “الحساسيات الثقافية”. استخدام هذه الذريعة لتبرير عدم تحقيق حقوق المرأة ينبع من كون إسرائيل العنصرية تفترض أن سوء معاملة المرأة واضطهادها يرتبط ارتباطا وثيقا بالثقافة والتقاليد الفلسطينية. وتنطلق أيضا من ازدواجية معايير إسرائيل في مسألة احترامها وحمايتها للتعددية الثقافية.

من ناحية، تدعي إسرائيل احترامها لمبدأ التعددية الثقافية لدعم وإدامة قمع المرأة. ومن ناحية أخرى، لا تظهر إسرائيل هذا “الاحترام” لمسألة التعددية الثقافية عندما يتعلق الأمر بالاعتراف بحقوق الأقلية: فاعتبار اللغة العربية لغة رسمية ليست سوى حبر على ورق، الثقافة الفلسطينية، والتاريخ والسرد والأدب السياسي تحذف عمدا من المناهج المدرسية من خلال المحاولات المستمرة لأسرلة المجتمع. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، الشرطة الإسرائيلية ذاتها التي تتهرب من واجبها لحماية النساء من العنف الأسري، لأنها مسألة “عائلية” لا تقلق “لشؤون العائلة الفلسطينية” عندما تقوم قواتها بهدم المنازل وتهجير عائلات بأكملها بشكل ممنهج من قرى النقب.

مسألة الحماية هنا ليست مهمة لوحدها هنا، المحاسبة هي أيضا مهمة. اغلبية الشكاوى المتعلقة بالعنف ضد المرأة يتم غض النظر عنها إما لعدم كفاية الأدلة أو لعدم وجود مصلحة عامة في معالجتها. على الرغم من أن القانون الجزائي الإسرائيلي لا يخفف العقوبة على مرتكب جريمة “الشرف”، على العكس من العديد من الدول العربية، فإن الجمعيات المدافعة عن حقوق المرأة تتهم الشرطة بعدم بذل جهود كافية لملاحقة القتلة ومحاسبتهم. بعض أسوأ حالات العنف ضد المرأة ترتكب في اللد والرملة والنقب. هذه المناطق تعاني من أعلى معدلات للفقر والبطالة، وتتعرض لسياسة إسرائيلية تمييزية شديدة، حيث تحرمهم من الحقوق والخدمات الأساسية، وهم عرضة لتهديدات مستمرة لإخلاء وهدم منازلهم. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، عدم إمكانية الوصول إلى النظام القضائي الإسرائيلي بالنسبة للمرأة الفلسطينية المحرومة، والعقاب الاجتماعي الذي تتتعرض له المرأة عندما تلجأ إلى الشرطة للادعاء على أحد أفراد أسرتها، لذا ليس من المستغرب، انعدام ثقة المرأة الفلسطينية لحماية الدولة لها.

مبررات ضمنية

كل شيء يبدأ مع الفارق الكبير في تغطية وسائل الإعلام الفلسطينية لجرائم القتل، فالأخيرة تعتبر جريمة قتل رجل بأنها “مأساة” وترى في جريمة قتل امرأة “حادثا غامضا”. وعندما يطلب من السياسيين الفلسطينيين ورجال الدين والشخصيات العامة الحديث ضد جرائم قتل النساء، فإنهم يبدأون بتحميل الشرطة المسؤولية ومن ثم يؤكدون بأن العنف ضد المرأة هو جزء لا يتجزأ من العنف المتصاعد في المجتمع الفلسطيني بشكل عام. في الواقع، لا يكاد يمر يوم دون أن نسمع حادثة إطلاق نار أو حوادث طعن يشارك فيها رجال فلسطينيون في المدن الفلسطينية. وبسبب ظاهرة العنف المتفشية- خرج 10 آلاف متظاهر في مظاهرة لم تشهدها مدينة حيفا من قبل للقول كفى. والناس عادة ما يخلطون بين العنف القائم على أساس جندري والعنف بشكل عام، ويتجاهلون أن النساء يقتلن لأنهن نساء، ولأنهن يقتلن في الأماكن المعتبرة الأكثر أمنا وعلى يد أقرب الناس لهن. وقد أصبح الأمر مألوفا من خلال الإدانات والدعوات إلى حماية حقوق المرأة فورا بعد مقتل كل امرأة… ومن ثم ننسى الأمر تماما بعد يومين وننتظر الجريمة المقبلة. قتل النساء هو مظهر من مظاهر النظام البطريركي. المشكلة الأساسية بأن ذلك شديد الرسوخ وقلما يتم التحدث عنه.

الإدانة الموسمية والكلامية للعنف الجسدي ضد المرأة من قبل أولئك الذين يروجون أو يسكتون عن أشكال أقل وضوحا من النظام البطريركي تساعد على فهم فشل المجتمع ككل في اتخاذ موقف حازم بشأن الجرائم ضد المرأة، ناهيك عن منعها. الفرع الشمالي للحركة الإسلامية، على سبيل المثال، يدين العنف الجسدي ضد المرأة لكنه يرفض المشاركة في مظاهرات مختلطة بين الجنسين، وعادة ما يفصل النساء عن الذكور في المناسبات العامة. كيف يمكن لطالب عرار، النائب في الكنيست عن القائمة العربية الموحدة، أن يملك أساسا أخلاقيا لكلامه عندما يدين العنف ضد المرأة وهو متعدد الزوجات؟

كراهية النساء والنظام البطريركي، ليست صفات حصرية بالأوساط الدينية والمحافظة الفلسطينية. العديد من الناشطين اليساريين والسياسيين لا يشعرون بأي تردد عندما يستعملون لغة منحازة ضد النساء، كما يقدمون مبررات ضمنية للتحرش الجنسي، ويدعون بأن الدفاع عن حقوق المرأة ليس من الأولويات طالما نعيش تحت الاحتلال. كيف يمكن أن نكون أحرارا كنساء وكفلسطينيين عندما نتستر على قائد ورمز مغرور للمقاومة الشعبية الفلسطينية مارس تحرش جنسي؟ طالما يُتوقَع من المرأة الفلسطينية تحييد مطالبها من أجل التحرر إلى الهامش، وطالما أجزاء واسعة من المجتمع لا تعتبر أن المرأة مقموعة بنيويا، فسيستمر قتل النساء مع الإفلات من العقاب الاجتماعي والقانوني.

الخطوة الأولى ستكون مواجهة هيمنة المعاجم اللغوية البطريركية المحلية والكولونيالية من خلال التوقف عن استعمال مصطلح “جريمة شرف” حتى مع مزدوجين. فاستخدام هذا المصطلح يضفي الشرعية عليه ويعطي ذريعة خاطئة بأن “الشرف” هو الدافع الحقيقي للجريمة، بينما هو في الحقيقة مجرد ذريعة لتجريد المرأة من استقلاليتها ومن كرامتها. الخطوة الثانية، هي عدم السكوت، لأن السكوت هو تواطؤ. إخفاء الحقيقة البشعة تحت السجادة لن تحل المشاكل إنما ستزيدها وستتضاعف دائرة العنف التي دمرت حرفيا حياة عدد كبير من النساء على مر الزمن. الخطوة الثالثة، والأكثر أهمية، هو عدم الانتظار أن تحمينا الشرطة. على النساء حمل السلاح لحماية أنفسهن وتنظيم ميليشيات لمحاربة التحرش الجنسي.